Condemned But Not Executed: How Governors Are Silencing The Gallows, Strangling Justice

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The death sentence hand­ed to Peter Nwachukwu, husband of late gospel singer Osinachi, by an FCT High Court has reopened old wounds in Nigeria’s justice system specifically the gaping wound left by the country’s fail­ure to follow through on execu­tions. While judges pronounce death sentences with legal pre­cision, state governors continue to act as the final often reluctant gatekeepers.

Their refusal or delay in sign­ing execution warrants has cast a long shadow over the finality of justice and has fueled calls for urgent reforms in the adminis­tration of capital punishment.

At the heart of the controver­sy lies a peculiar tug-of-war be­tween law and morality, legality and sentiment. Senior lawyer and constitutional expert, Femi Bori­sade, believes this standoff is not only expected, but constitution­al. He anchors his argument on three key provisions in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended): Sections 33(1), 175, and 212.

According to him, while Sec­tion 33(1) empowers the courts to impose the death penalty, Sec­tions 175 and 212 grant the Presi­dent and state governors the pow­er to commute such sentences or grant pardons after consulting with the Council of States.

“Whatever the governor does, whether it’s signing the warrant or causing delay while consult­ing the Advisory Council on Prerogative of Mercy, it is not an infraction of the law,” Borisade clarified.

“Even if it appears to under­mine court judgments, it is so only in accordance with the Con­stitution.”

But beyond legal text, Borisade views the governor’s hesitance as a reflection of a deeper, more humane shift in global thinking from vengeance to preservation.

“The world is moving away from ‘pro-death’ to ‘pro-life’,” he said, noting that wrongful convic­tions, moral dilemmas, and the irreversibility of execution all call for caution.

“An eye for an eye is an archaic principle,” he added. “Killing in the name of justice won’t bring back the dead. Instead, we must teach higher values;

kindness, love, forgiveness.” He therefore advocates alterna­tive forms of punishment such as life imprisonment without parole or long-term incarceration of at least 25 years, which still serves justice but avoids the permanent mistake of executing the wrong person.

However, not everyone is swayed by this “pro-life” gospel. A former chairman of the Nigeri­an Bar Association (NBA) Ikoro­du Branch and Convener of the Fight Against Corruption in the Judiciary, Bayo Akinlade, takes a more procedural stance.

While he personally does not support the death penalty, he em­phasised that the law must be re­spected in its entirety. “The Judi­ciary may pass a death sentence, but the law allows the governor to weigh in,” he stated.

“Importantly, the defendant has the constitutional right to appeal. Until that appeal process is exhausted, possibly up to the Supreme Court, the execution cannot proceed.” For Akinlade, this multi-layered process is not a flaw but a safeguard, ensuring no citizen’s life is taken unjustly or prematurely.

A human rights advocate, Akingbolu Kabir, sees the delay in executions as a deliberate show of caution, not negligence. He underlined that all three arms of government must act in uni­son when it comes to executing a person.

“The legislature makes the law, the judiciary interprets it, and the executive implements it,” Kabir explained. “The delay in signing warrants doesn’t mean the court’s judgment is invalid. It just shows due care is being exer­cised. Taking a life in the name of the law is not a trivial matter.”

Still, there are others who be­lieve that this legal hesitancy is creating more problems than it solves. One contributor, who ex­pressed strong support for capital punishment, described the gover­nors’ reluctance as “a dangerous culture” that weakens the judi­ciary’s authority.

“If we continue to sentence people to death but never execute them, what message are we send­ing?” he asked. “This practice is not only a mockery of justice, it’s a financial drain.”

He pointed out that as of May 2022, over 8,000 prisoners were on death row in Nigeria.

“Each year, we spend mil­lions feeding and housing these inmates, many of whom should have already faced the conse­quences of their crimes.”

He also dismissed the argu­ment about wrongful convictions being a strong enough reason to abandon the death penalty.

“Even in countries like the United States, mistakes happen but that’s not a reason to stop enforcing the law. If you fear ex­ecuting the wrong person, then strengthen the investigation and judicial process. Don’t paralyse justice.”

The long-term economic bur­den, he argued, should also factor into the decision-making process. “That money could be spent on infrastructure, healthcare, or education. Instead, we’re feeding convicted murderers and armed robbers for decades.”

Recalling Nigeria’s past, he described an era when fear of the firing squad was enough to deter most people from commit­ting crimes.

“Growing up, the knowledge that armed robbery attracted death by firing squad kept many in line. Now, people commit hei­nous crimes knowing they’ll just end up living comfortably in pris­on at the taxpayers’ expense.

“This leniency is emboldening criminals,” he warned. “If we’re serious about justice, governors must start signing execution war­rants in deserving cases. Other­wise, the judiciary is just going through the motions.”

This disjointed system—where the judiciary delivers justice but the executive refuses to enforce it—creates a justice paradox.

The courts are seen doing their job, yet victims’ families remain without closure, and society watch­es as dangerous offenders continue to breathe easy behind bars.

At a time when public con­fidence in the legal system is waning, the failure to carry out court-ordered executions risks eroding what little trust remains. Some say it’s a matter of conscience. Others argue it’s a matter of justice.

One thing is clear: Nigeria can­not continue to exist in a limbo where capital punishment is both legal and impractical.

Either the nation must abol­ish it formally and stop hand­ing out death sentences, or the governors must stop shielding the condemned from the conse­quences of their crimes. Justice, after all, must not only be done; it must be seen to be done. And when it is continually deferred, it begins to look more like mercy for the guilty and betrayal for the victims.

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